Alternative Summit in Amsterdam 17 June 1997

Our continent is facing great social and ecological problems that need to be dealt with internationally. This European Union, built on 'Maastricht', on the big summits of heads of states and governments, and on centralized bureaucratic bodies, did not meet the challenge.

After the signing of the Maastricht treaty the European Union has increasingly shifted power from the national parliaments to the heads of states and governments, and shifted power from the political sphere to the market. Western Europe is being turned into a centralised political and strengthened military power, allowing large Europe-based corporations to increase profits, competiveness and market-shares worldwide. This European Union has become a driving force of globalisation and promotor of neoliberalism. It has become an elite-driven project, undemocratic and irresponsive to the needs of people and nature. It offers but an uncertain future for women, for the citizens of non-EU countries that come here, for the next generations, for the elderly and for the 20 million unemployed and 50 million people living in poverty in the 15 member states.

Only de European inhabitants can build Europe, support it and live in it. A European House that does not meet the wishes and values of its population has no raison d'être. The supporters of this European Union say there is no other option. Anyone opposing this EU are portrayed as reactionary nationalists. Nothing is less true, because there is a third option: cooperation for a different, democratic, social, peaceful, solidary, ecological and feminist Europe.

From June 12 - 17 we, the undersigned, and more than thousand women and men gathered at the Alternative Summit Towards a Different Europe to look for alternatives. On June 14th more than 50 000 people from all EU member states demonstrated in Amsterdam against unemployment, insecurity and social exclusion. Together we can mobilise for a Europe that eradicates unemployment, takes social and ecological concerns seriously, creates equal opportunities for men and women and is open and hospitable to immigrants and refugees. We can create a Europe that breaks with its shameful colonial past and becomes a peaceful, disarmed force for a world of cooperation, sharing and solidarity.

Today 20 million inhabitants of the European Union are unemployed, according to official figures. We face a huge challenge to generate paid labour for those who want it.

In 1985, the EU promised us 5 million new jobs. Unemployement has doubled since. In order to enter the Economic and Monetary Union and join the European currency governments are fixated on the convergence criteria of Maastricht. All over Europe this leads to enormous cuts in public services. This creates unemployment. The Dublin Stability Pact will result in even more cuts and will reduce the possibilities of member states to effectively stimulate employment.

The EU seeks to reduce unemployment through 'flexibility' of the labour markets. That means: weaker protection of workers' rights, insecure and temporary jobs, and reduced rights to organise, negotiate and act collectively. The first victims are women, as workers, or as people looking for employment. Some in the EU propose to lower unemployment by promoting large, capital intensive infra-structure projects. These projects provide only few, temporary, and often environmentally very damaging jobs in the short term. They provide no real answer to Europe's needs. Quite the contrary: projects like the Trans-European Networks promote long distance trade and therefor break down local economies, and costs jobs. The current policy in many countries to force the unemployed to work or study for minimal benefits and social rights is proof of the lack of respect of the victims of these wrong policies.

Today, again according to official figures, 50 million EU inhabitants live in poverty. We face the challenge of guaranting everybody - men, women, youth, migrants, the elderly or handicapped, paid or unpaid worker - an income, housing, education and health care.

The Maastricht criteria put us in a downward spiral of cuts in social care. The Dublin Stability Pact will lead to even more constraints. Instruments like exchange rates and interest rates can no longer be used to make policy. Member states will soon have but one way to deal with economic set-backs: cuts in government spendings. Besides, several economists have warned of the fact that the EU member states will compete with each other on taxes and social and ecological regulation in order to attract investors.

The proposals on the social policies of the Union are made without public involvement. Although the proposed 'Social Chapter' will give governments the possibility to set minimum social standards, it also states that these standards should not lead to measures that have disadvantageous consequences for industry.

The EU developments at present on offer create rising insecurity and unemployment. These are the very conditions that are leading to the rise of extreme right-wing parties and movements to grow. To reverse this will require the policies put forward in this declaration to be implemented as a matter of urgency.

Today the 370 million EU inhabitants have no real control over the political choices made on their behalf by the EU.

Most of the important decisions on Europe are made behind closed doors. Executive, juridical and legislative powers are not properly separated. These powers are concentrated in a few institutions, which are more open to the influence of lobby-groups like the European Round Table of Industrialists than to the inhabitants of Europe.

In the opposition against the Maastricht Treaty some of us point at democratising the EU by giving more power to the European Parlement, while some of us disagree and believe that the best way to protect democracy is by working for true legislative decision-making in the national parliaments and by opposing the construction of a European federation. But we are one in our opposition to the shifting of power to excutive branches away from parliaments or other forms of expression of people's opinions. The Europe of Maastricht is undermining the full accountability of our politicians.

Although the European Parliament might be given more powers over essential areas of policy, such as the Monetary Union and internal and foreign policies, the European Parliament does not have the legislative powers normal parliaments have, and is elected on the basis of European elections that do not allow all inhabitants of Europe to vote. At the same time the powers of the Council and the Commission are greatly increased at the cost of national parliaments. Vast executive powers on economic policy are given to the unaccountable European Central Bank. The fundamental democratic decifit in the EU is being deepened.

The Dutch chair of this Council proposed to given up one of the central principles of unification: the equality between member states. 'Flexibility' is a euphemism for the 'core Europe' of Kohl and Chirac. As a majority of member states will be able to cooperate beyond the influence of others, the 'core states' will not only decide on the speed of the integration but also on its direction. That means the emergence of second rank countries and second rank EU citizens.

The massive outrage against the mad cow disease, pollution and the genetically manipulated maize all point to the fact that we face a challenge to provide a future. Europe needs to be green, or will not last very long.

The EU says it will commit itself to 'sustainable development'. This is however merely an empty word, since this can only be practised to the extent that it is compatible with the over-riding principles of the EU, and does not interfer with the single market and the freedom of capital.

The proposed environmental standards for the treaty state that any proposal by EU member states to enforce environmental standards higher than those accepted by the EU have to be subjected to the approval of the Commission. Any proposition for higher environmental standards is automatically rejected if the Commision does not complete its evaluation within six months of the submission of the national proposal. This leaves us no doubt: a green Europe is no priority.

Europe only recently suffered a terrible war in the former Yugoslavia. Many fled to Europe to seek refuge. We face the challenge to build a secure future without war.

The security concept now advanced by the European Union is based on a military concept of security and nuclear defense. The idea of a gradual development of a common defense was inscribed in the Maastricht treaty. Today the EU discusses steps towards a substantial militarization.

According to the proposals for the new treaty the EU will develop a policy and analysis unit, the germ of a common foreign ministry, and greatly integrate the military industry of EU countries placed under EU supervision. Execution of 'peace enforcement' will propably be inscribed in the treaty as a task for European combat forces. The step by step integration of the WEU into the EU creates a new military alliance functioning as the Western pillar of NATO. It will stimulate re-armament and lead to increased military tension.

This rampant militarization of the EU is unacceptable. Nuclear disarmament should be on top of the agenda. The money is desperately needed for social welfare, the creation of jobs and for the purposes of environmental protection and global solidarity. Militarisation is also no solution to the problems outside of Europe. Instead of 'peace making with combat forces' we need a concept to help them build civil structures to prevent conflicts.

Just as unacceptable is the integration of the Schengen Treaty in the new treaty. This will further close the fortress Europe to the victims of war and oppresion. In addition Europol will not only continue the insecurity and fear for perscution of refugees in Europe, but endanger the civil rights of all EU inhabitants as well.

If we cooperate we are strong enough to build a new Europe of democratic participation, equality, environmental responsibility and an economy of cooperation instead of competition. Providing that we:

• re-regulate the flows of goods, capital and investment through legislation and tax-reforms in order to make the economy sustainable and answerable to the needs of people;
• make investment and international trade subject to regulations, quotas and tarifs that are compatible with the interest of the workers, unemployed and marginalised people of all societies;
• shorten the working time, to redistribute work and make it available to all, but also to create a quality in life.

• protect and nurture local economies which can provide jobs and increased control over our own lives for all;

• put taxes on currency transfers, increase progressive taxes on corporate profits and capital incomes, and implement direct taxes on the use of non-renevable natural resources; increase progressivity of income taxation;

• recognize fully the economic value of unpaid work especially by women;

• transform all enforced part-time and casual jobs into working contracts in which workers enjoy full rights;

• construct social services in child and elderly care, educational services that are equally available to all;

• stop rampant urbanisation and protect and support jobs in small farms, organic farming, rural communities and decentralised, rural production of renewable energy.

A different Europe can only come about if we mobilise citizens all over the continent to exercise fully their democratic rights and participate actively in movements for change. After alternative meetings in Copenhagen (June 1993), Madrid (December 1995), Firenze (June 1996) and Dublin (December 1996) we have gathered for the Amsterdam Alternative Summit and the European Demonstration against Unemployment, Poverty and Social Exclusion. We have witnessed here the growth of a new alliance between the movements behind the Euromarches, the Alternative Summit, the global Zapatista movement working against neo-liberal world hegenomy and The European Anti-Maastricht Alliance (TEAM). Together we want a world without racism, xenophobia, authoritarianism, sexism and with just north-south relations.

• continue to critically and publically follow the process of European unification.

• continue organizing resistance against the negative consequences of the Maastricht criteria and other EU policies, in our own countries or, if possible, with Europe wide cooperation.

• continue the discussion on and implementation of alternatives. This alternative Declaration of Amsterdam can be a starting point in that discussion.
• continue broadening and Europeanising the EU-critical movement. We want to develop and build democratic movements, organisations and networks to fight for an different European Union. The International Coalition Towards a Different Europe has already been founded, embracing over 200 organisations; the European Marches against Unemployement, Poverty and Social Exclusion will maintain their solidarity network after Amsterdam as well.

Join us in the first week of December 1997 in a global week of action for solidarity and equity against the Europe of Maastricht and Amsterdam and against neo-liberal policies in all continents. Together we can mobilise on a European level for a different Europe.

to work for increase cooperation. The destructive consequences of globalisation and neoliberal policies are felt everywhere and must be challenged everywhere.

vote against ratification of the Amsterdam Treaty as long as the basic principals of democracy have not been fulfilled.

And let the Europeans speak out about Europe through referenda in all countries.

In order to sign on to this declaration or for more information, contact: